Protesters burn a Trump doll in São Paulo on Thursday, the 10th, in protest against the increase in tariffs on Brazilian products. Trump’s letter should also be read as a form of economic pressure serving the interests of Big Tech. AP Photo/Andre Penner
David Nemer, Associate Professor in the Department of Media Studies, University of Virginia
When Donald Trump announced 50% tariffs on all Brazilian products exported to the United States starting in August 2025, the immediate reaction was political. Many saw the gesture as pandering to Bolsonaro supporters, as the letter announcing the tariffs directly defended Jair Bolsonaro and attacked the Supreme Federal Court (STF). Others pointed out that the measure could be a strategic response to the strengthening of the BRICS, which have adopted firmer stances on economic sovereignty. However, a crucial aspect went almost unnoticed: the role of Big Tech in this geopolitical game.
Trump’s letter is not just political retaliation; it’s also a Silicon Valley lobbying tool. Just look closely at the text: “hundreds of SECRET and ILLEGAL censorship orders against US social media platforms,” he says, referring to recent Brazilian Supreme Court decisions. This complaint directly echoes the arguments of companies like Google, Meta, Amazon, and X (formerly Twitter), which have waged an intense offensive against any attempt at regulation in Brazil.
The backdrop is the growing assertion of Brazil’s digital sovereignty. On June 26, 2025, the Supreme Federal Court (STF) issued a landmark decision, holding digital platforms liable for illegal content and requiring the immediate removal of such materials upon notification. The decision marks a watershed moment in internet regulation in the country, aligning with international efforts to curb the spread of online extremism and protect democracy.
But this decision is just one of many initiatives that have deeply troubled tech giants. The ruling on Article 19 of the Brazilian Civil Rights Framework for the Internet, the proposed regulations for artificial intelligence, and the draft bills defining the responsibilities of digital platforms place Brazil at the forefront of democratic digital regulation, and this doesn’t please Big Tech in the slightest.
Trump’s message: Messing with Big Tech will have costs
Trump’s letter, therefore, should also be read as a form of economic pressure serving these interests. By threatening Brazil with punitive tariffs, the US president is sending a clear message: messing with Big Tech will have costs. These costs will be imposed under the guise of economic nationalism, which, in practice, serves the corporate interests of Silicon Valley.
This movement is consistent with a well-known logic: the discourse of “unrestricted freedom of expression” has two main beneficiaries. On the one hand, sectors of the far right that need an unfettered digital environment to spread disinformation, hate speech, and anti-democratic propaganda. On the other hand, the technology companies themselves profit from this chaos and resist any attempt to hold them accountable.
The resistance of these companies is heightened by the advancement of the bill regulating Artificial Intelligence (PL 2.338/2023), approved by the Senate in 2024 and now pending in the Chamber of Deputies. The bill proposes rules that protect fundamental rights, require algorithmic transparency, and classify AI systems according to their risks. All of this runs counter to the interests of Big Tech, which has fiercely opposed points such as: the obligation to disclose the use of copyrighted works in model training; liability proportionate to the social risk of systems; and the creation of regulated negotiation mechanisms between platforms and creators.
These measures, by demanding greater transparency and accountability, mean higher costs and less freedom of operation for companies accustomed to operating in gray areas. That’s why Trump’s letter to President Lula is also an ultimatum from Silicon Valley.
Brazil mobilizes in favor of its digital sovereignty
We cannot ignore the fact that this offensive is taking place precisely when Brazil is beginning to articulate internationally in favor of digital sovereignty. Within the BRICS, the country has advocated for policies that reaffirm the right of people to decide how their technological infrastructures should be organized, with an emphasis on social justice, data protection, and equitable access to knowledge. This stance directly contradicts the interests of the platforms, which, until now, have dominated the global debate with a vision centered on profit and opaque algorithmic control.
Therefore, we must go beyond immediately interpreting Trump’s letter as a piece of support for Bolsonarism or a geopolitical reaction. It is a coordinated strategy to block the advancement of national and regional regulations that threaten the dominance of large technology companies. It is an offensive against any attempt by countries in the Global South to build a more just, sovereign, and democratic digital ecosystem.
In this context, the defense of Brazilian digital sovereignty becomes even more urgent. But this sovereignty cannot be confused with a state project of authoritarian control of the internet. We are talking about popular digital sovereignty: the ability of civil society, communities, researchers, and legislators to collectively decide how technologies should be developed and used, based on principles of justice, equity, human rights, and sustainability.
Defending this sovereignty does indeed imply confronting the overwhelming power of digital platforms. But it also implies building alternatives: fostering open technologies, stimulating local development, ensuring universal access to the internet and digital education, and reinforcing the role of the state as a guarantor of rights, not a censor.
Trump’s letter makes it clear that Brazil is causing a stir, and this is, paradoxically, a good sign. We are causing a stir because we have stopped being just a market and started being an actor. Because we no longer want to accept that our digital infrastructure is colonized territory. Because we dare to propose that the internet can be governed by democratic rules, not by billionaire CEOs in offices in California.
Defending digital sovereignty isn’t about being anti-US or anti-technology. It’s about supporting a country that can decide its own course, including in the digital world. It’s about ensuring that technology serves society, not vice versa, or exclusively serves its CEOs and shareholders.
As we can see, Trump’s letter says much more than it first appears. And Brazil needs to be prepared to read between the lines and respond accordingly.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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