
Timothy Joseph, College of the Holy Cross
The U.S. Senate has made its judgment in the impeachment trial of President Donald Trump, acquitting the president. Fifty two of 53 senators in the Republican majority voted to acquit the president on the abuse of power charge and all 53 Republican senators voted to acquit on the obstruction of Congress charge.
All 47 Democratic senators voted to convict the president on both charges. Senator Mitt Romney of Utah was the only Republican voting to convict for abuse of power.
The Republican senatorsā speedy exoneration of Trump marks perhaps the most dramatic step in their capitulation to the president over the past three years.
That process, as I wrote in The Conversation last fall, recalls the ancient Roman senateās compliance with the autocratic rule of the emperors and its transformation into a body largely reliant on the emperorsā whims.
Along with the senatorial fealty that was again on display, there was another development that links the era of the Roman Republicās transformation into an autocratic state with the ongoing political developments in the United States. Itās a development that may point to where the country is headed.
Leader is the state
Trumpās lawyers argued that the presidentās personal position is inseparable from that of the nation itself. This is similar to the notion that took hold during the ascendancy of the man known as Romeās first emperor, Augustus, who was in power from 31 B.C. to A.D. 14.

Trump defense attorney Alan Dershowitz asserted that āabuse of powerā by the president is not an impeachable offense. A central part of Dershowitzās argument was that āevery public official that I know believes that his election is in the public interestā and that āif a president does something which he believes will help him get elected in the public interest, that cannot be the kind of quid pro quo that results in impeachment.ā
This inability to separate the personal interests of a leader from the interests of the country he or she leads has powerful echoes in ancient Rome.
There, no formal change from a republican system to an autocratic system ever occurred. Rather, there was an erosion of the republican institutions, a steady creep over decades of authoritarian decision-making, and the consolidation of power within one individual ā all with the name āRepublicā preserved.
Oversight becomes harassment
Much of Romeās decline into one-man rule can be observed in a series of developments during the time of Augustus, who held no formal monarchical title but only the vague designation āprinceps,ā or āfirst among equals.ā
But in fact the senate had ceded him both power (āimperiumā in Latin) over Romeās military and the traditional tribuneās power to veto legislation. Each of these powers also granted him immunity from prosecution. He was above the law.
Augustusā position thus gave him exactly the freedom from oversight ā or what Trump calls āpresidential harassmentā ā that the president demands. Such immunity is also the sort that Richard Nixon seemed to long for, most famously in his post-presidency declaration that āwhen the president does it, that means that it is not illegal.ā
In Augustusā time the idea also emerged that the āprincepsā and the Roman state were to a great extent one and the same. The identity of the one was growing to become inseparable from the identity of the other.
So, for example, under Augustus and then his successor Tiberius, insults against the emperor could be considered acts of treason against the state, or, more officially, against āthe majesty of the Roman people.ā
A critic of the āprincepsā ā be it in unflattering words or in the improper treatment of his image ā was subject to prosecution as an āenemy of the people.ā
A physical demonstration of the emerging union of the āprincepsā and the state came in the construction of a Temple of Roma and Augustus in cities across the Mediterranean region.
Here the personification of the state as a goddess, Roma, and the āprincepsā Augustus were closely aligned and, what is more, deified together. The message communicated by such a pairing was clear: If not quite one and the same, the āprincepsā and the state were intimately identified, possessing a special, abiding authority through their union.
Many higher-ups in the Trump administration, from Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to former Secretary of Energy Rick Perry to former Press Secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders, have spoken publicly of Trump as a divinely chosen figure. And Trump himself declared earlier this year, āI do really believe we have God on our side.ā
To this point, however, a Temple of Lady Liberty and Trump along the lines of the Temple of Roma and Augustus has not yet been constructed.
But the Senate impeachment trial has shown us how far along the identification of leader and state has moved in the Trump era. A central part of the presidentās impeachment defense is, as we have seen, that the personal will of the president is indistinguishable from the will of the state and the good of the people.
Will the GOP-led Senateās endorsement of this defense clear a path for more of the manifestations ā and consequences ā of authoritarianism? The case of the Roman Republicās rapid slippage into an autocratic regime masquerading as a republic shows how easily that transformation can occur.
Timothy Joseph, Associate Professor of Classics, College of the Holy Cross
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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